Sunday, October 9, 2016

Why do women make up a majority of live organ donors but not of organ recipients?


Several Studies Do Find Women Predominate Among Living Organ Donors

Studies ranging from Germany (1) to Oman (2) find that among medically suited living donors, women tend to donate more than men.

Kidney: In 2005, 59.2% of living US kidney donors were women while 58.2% of kidney recipients were men (3). Predominance of female kidney donors is seen not just in the US but also in Brazil (4). Global estimates for living kidney donors is ~65% female with ~65% of kidney recipients being male (3). Spousal differences are more striking compared to generic estimates. A University of Michigan study found 69% of spousal donations were female (5).

Liver: In 2005, 58.3% of living US liver donors were women while 58% of living liver segment recipients were men (6). Again, spousal differences are more striking compared to generic estimates. A Canadian study found 36% of women suitable for donating to their husbands were willing to do so while only 6.5% of suitable husbands were willing to be donors for their wives (7).

Examination of published literature suggests a combination of
  • Different solid organ disease prevalence rates between men and women,
  • Greater cultural pressure on women to carry the burden of caregiving,
  • Gender selection bias in the healthcare system,
all of these factors contribute to why women predominate in living organ donations and yet receive fewer organ transplants.

Different solid organ disease prevalence rates between men and women
Several studies have documented pronounced gender bias in transplantation. However, while examining these, onus is on us to account for gender-based disease prevalence rate differences, especially where the rates are higher in men.

Kidney: Renal disease tends to be more common in men compared to women (8). Mortality rates of men on dialysis is also higher compared to women (9). Speculation is baseline creatinine clearance is better in elderly women compared to men.

Heart: In 1996, 81.2% of US heart transplant recipients were men and this only decreased to 76.8% by 2005 (6). Part of this has to do with greater preponderance of coronary artery disease in young men compared to young women. Even among those aged 55 to 64 years, congestive heart disease rates in US men are twice those in women.

Liver: Liver disease rates are higher among US men (10).

Greater cultural pressure on women to carry the burden of caregiving
Studies suggest women may offer kidneys more often from a greater drive to alleviate suffering and/or a greater inability to resist subtle pressures (11). Some authors speculate preponderance of bearing the burden of caregiving in a family may extend the woman's role to becoming a living kidney donor (12). Some studies support this conclusion (13). In fact, women are considered more vulnerable and more easily persuaded/pressured to donate (14). This is the reason the multi-disciplinary living donor assessment process in Australia and the US focuses on the living kidney donor's autonomy and decision making in the absence of coercion (15). Cultural differences may also play a role. Even today, in many societies the woman is the main caregiver with the man the breadwinner. When a woman undergoes transplantation, the man would need to take time off work to take over household management. Some authors (3, 12) speculate transplant centers may inadvertently reinforce such gender roles in the manner they offer, discuss and foster women's access to transplantation.

Gender selection bias in the healthcare system
Studies find men are often preferentially placed on transplant waiting lists (16, 17).

Kidney: A French study on 9497 men and 5386 women on dialysis found that women had both a lower probability of being registered on the waiting list and waited longer after starting dialysis before being registered (18). This study found older, unemployed and diabetic women were more likely to be victims of such disparities. A large southeastern US study found women were less likely to be perceived suitable for kidney transplants compared to men, and this was independent of medical factors (19). Gender bias favoring men was found in other US studies as well (20, 21).

Heart: Of US heart transplants in 2005, 52.3% of heart transplant recipients in 2005 were aged 50 to 64 years and 10.3% >65 years. With age, especially >65 years, coronary artery disease rates between US men and women are similar (22). Yet, gender bias persists even among this older age group of heart transplant recipients (3). Studies show that women decline heart transplantation at greater rates compared to men (23). One reason proffered for this implies surgeons prioritizing vanity over vocation, i.e., women presented with this option in a manner inclined to discourage them for the simple reason that post-transplant mortality rates tend to be higher for women compared to men, and heart transplant surgeons may be motivated by concern for their success rates (3).

Liver: One US study found women were less likely to get liver transplants (24) while another one found twice as many men as women get liver transplants (25) even though disease rates aren't twice higher.

According to JoAnn Grif Alspach (26), gender bias in medical care can thus be the unintentional product of implicit, insidious bias in the culture of medicine itself. She then lists the following implicit cultural biases as possible reasons,
'• Underestimating or misunderstanding a woman’s risk for health problems or complications 8
• Differences in the way women experience (cardiac) symptoms 30
• Differences in the way women perceive themselves and their illness 30
• The most likely explanations are at the patient level, the physician level, or both. Patients may have misperceptions of indications, risks, or benefits of surgery.
• One factor may be the differences in style that women and men use to describe their symptoms or injuries to the physician. Women tend to describe what they experience as a more personal, narrative commentary compared to men, who typically describe symptoms in a more straightforward, factual manner with fewer comments. 49 Women’s narrative presentation style reportedly contributed to physicians making more diagnostic errors in their evaluations of chest pain in women. 50
• Unconscious prejudices among physicians—social stereotyping 29
• Overt discrimination based on sex. Some physicians take women’s symptoms less seriously, attribute symptoms to emotional rather than physical causes, and refer women less often than men for specialty care, even women with a relatively greater degree of disability. 29
• Cultural biases, especially among older male physicians 51
• Women thinking of stroke and heart disease as men’s diseases 51
• Perceived differences in injury severity or perceived benefits of trauma center care, or from subconscious gender bias 48'
Ironically, transplants in women have also often been pioneering.
  • In August 1966, Dr. Michael E. DeBakey implanted the 1st extracorporeal left ventricular assist device in a 37-year old woman who couldn't be weaned from bypass following a double valve replacement (27). The pump was successfully removed after 6 days and she survived for 6 years with good cardiac function only to tragically die from an automobile accident.
  • The 1st pancreas allograft occurred on December 17, 1966 at the University of Minnesota when Drs. William Kelly and Richard Lillehei simultaneously transplanted a kidney allograft plus a duct ligated segmental pancreas into a 28 year old woman (28).
Gender Bias Matters Medically Because Gender Mismatch In Transplants Is Often Counter-Productive

Gender mismatch between donors and recipients is often counter-productive. Specifically, men with allografts from women have greatest risk of long-term allograft failure (29). This is especially true for kidney transplants (30).  Risk also runs both ways. In donations after circulatory/cardiac death (DCD), transplanting a male liver into a female recipient is a risk factor for primary non-function (31). Female recipients of male hearts is a risk factor for acute cellular and antibody-mediated rejection of heart transplants (32, 33, 34, 35, 36). Studies suggest gender matching may protect against heart transplant rejection (37).

Bibliography
1. Decker, Oliver, et al. "Between commodification and altruism: gender imbalance and attitudes towards organ donation. A representative survey of the German community." (2008): 251-255.
2. Mohsin, N., et al. "Donor gender balance in a living-related kidney transplantation program in Oman." Transplantation proceedings. Vol. 39. No. 4. Elsevier, 2007.
3. Csete, Marie. "Gender issues in transplantation." Anesthesia & Analgesia 107.1 (2008): 232-238.
4. Lima, Daniel Xavier, Andy Petroianu, and Heather Lynn Hauter. "Quality of life and surgical complications of kidney donors in the late post-operative period in Brazil." Nephrology Dialysis Transplantation 21.11 (2006): 3238-3242. Quality of life and surgical complications of kidney donors in the late post-operative period in Brazil
5. Kayler, Liise K., et al. "GENDER IMBALANCE IN LIVING DONOR RENAL TRANSPLANTATION1." Transplantation 73.2 (2002): 248-252.
6. US Department of Health and Human Services. "2008 Annual Report of the US Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network and the Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients: Transplant Data 1998-2007." (2008).
7. Zimmerman, Deborah, et al. "Gender disparity in living renal transplant donation." American Journal of Kidney Diseases 36.3 (2000): 534-540.
8. Reyes, Daisy, Susie Q. Lew, and Paul L. Kimmel. "Gender differences in hypertension and kidney disease." Medical Clinics of North America 89.3 (2005): 613-630.
9. Lindeman, Robert D., Jordan Tobin, and Nathan W. Shock. "Longitudinal studies on the rate of decline in renal function with age." Journal of the American Geriatrics Society 33.4 (1985): 278-285.
10. Kim, W., et al. "Burden of liver disease in the United States: summary of a workshop." Hepatology 36.1 (2002): 227-242. https://www250.safesecureweb.com...
11. Biller-Andorno, Nikola. "Gender imbalance in living organ donation." Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 5.2 (2002): 199-203.
12. Gordon, Elisa J., and Daniela P. Ladner. "Gender inequities pervade organ transplantation access." Transplantation 94.5 (2012): 447-448. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
13. Mohs, Anja, and Gundula Hübner. "Organ donation: the role of gender in the attitude–behavior relationship." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43.S1 (2013): E64-E70. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
14. Dobson, Roger. "More women than men become living organ donors." BMJ: British Medical Journal 325.7369 (2002): 851.
15. Spital, Aaron. "Ethical issues in living organ donation: donor autonomy and beyond." American Journal of Kidney Diseases 38.1 (2001): 189-195.
16. Alexander, G. Caleb, and Ashwini R. Sehgal. "Barriers to cadaveric renal transplantation among blacks, women, and the poor." Jama 280.13 (1998): 1148-1152. http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/vie...
17. Bayat, S., et al. "Individual and regional factors of access to the renal transplant waiting list in France in a cohort of dialyzed patients." American Journal of Transplantation 15.4 (2015): 1050-1060.
18. Couchoud, Cécile, et al. "A new approach for measuring gender disparity in access to renal transplantation waiting lists." Transplantation 94.5 (2012): 513-519.
19. Soucie, J. Michael, John F. Neylan, and William McClellan. "Race and sex differences in the identification of candidates for renal transplantation." American journal of kidney diseases 19.5 (1992): 414-419.
20. Thamer, Mae, et al. "US NEPHROLOGISTS’ATTITUDES TOWARDS RENAL TRANSPLANTATION: RESULTS FROM A NATIONAL SURVEY." Transplantation 71.2 (2001): 281-288. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
21. Segev, Dorry L., et al. "Age and comorbidities are effect modifiers of gender disparities in renal transplantation." Journal of the American Society of Nephrology 20.3 (2009): 621-628. Age and Comorbidities Are Effect Modifiers of Gender Disparities in Renal Transplantation
22. Young, Lynne, and Maureen Little. "Women and heart transplantation: an issue of gender equity?." Health care for women international 25.5 (2004): 436-453.
23. Aaronson, Keith D., et al. "Sex differences in patient acceptance of cardiac transplant candidacy." Circulation 91.11 (1995): 2753-2761. Sex Differences in Patient Acceptance of Cardiac Transplant Candidacy
24. Myers, Robert P., et al. "Gender, renal function, and outcomes on the liver transplant waiting list: assessment of revised MELD including estimated glomerular filtration rate." Journal of hepatology 54.3 (2011): 462-470.
25. Thuluvath, P. J., et al. "Liver transplantation in the United States, 1999–2008." American Journal of Transplantation 10.4p2 (2010): 1003-1019. https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/b...
26. Alspach, JoAnn Grif. "Is there gender bias in critical care?." Critical care nurse 32.6 (2012): 8-14. Is There Gender Bias in Critical Care?
27. DeBakey, Michael E. "Left ventricular bypass pump for cardiac assistance: clinical experience." The American journal of cardiology 27.1 (1971): 3-11.
28. Kelly, W. D., et al. "Allotransplantation of the pancreas and duodenum along with the kidney in diabetic nephropathy." Surgery 61.6 (1967): 827-837.
29. Kittleson, Michelle M., et al. "Donor–recipient sex mismatch portends poor 10-year outcomes in a single-center experience." The Journal of Heart and Lung Transplantation 30.9 (2011): 1018-1022.
30. Gratwohl, Alois, et al. "HY as a minor histocompatibility antigen in kidney transplantation: a retrospective cohort study." The Lancet 372.9632 (2008): 49-53.
31. De Vera, M. E., et al. "Liver Transplantation Using Donation After Cardiac Death Donors: Long‐Term Follow‐Up from a Single Center." American Journal of Transplantation 9.4 (2009): 773-781. http://www.custodiol.com/hansjb/...
32. Kobashigawa, J. A., et al. "Pretransplantation risk factors for acute rejection after heart transplantation: a multiinstitutional study. The Transplant Cardiologists Research Database Group." The Journal of heart and lung transplantation: the official publication of the International Society for Heart Transplantation 12.3 (1992): 355-366.
33. Jarcho, J., et al. "Influence of HLA mismatch on rejection after heart transplantation: a multiinstitutional study. The Cardiac Transplant Research Database Group." The Journal of heart and lung transplantation: the official publication of the International Society for Heart Transplantation 13.4 (1993): 583-95.
34. Lones, Mark A., et al. "Clinical-pathologic features of humoral rejection in cardiac allografts: a study in 81 consecutive patients." The Journal of heart and lung transplantation: the official publication of the International Society for Heart Transplantation 14.1 Pt 1 (1994): 151-162.
35. Kubo, S. H., et al. "Risk factors for late recurrent rejection after heart transplantation: a multiinstitutional, multivariable analysis. Cardiac Transplant Research Database Group." The Journal of heart and lung transplantation: the official publication of the International Society for Heart Transplantation 14.3 (1994): 409-418.
36. Michaels, Paul J., et al. "Humoral rejection in cardiac transplantation: risk factors, hemodynamic consequences and relationship to transplant coronary artery disease." The Journal of heart and lung transplantation 22.1 (2003): 58-69.
37. Patel, Nishant D., et al. "Impact of donor-to-recipient weight ratio on survival after heart transplantation analysis of the United Network for Organ Sharing database." Circulation 118.14 suppl 1 (2008): S83-S88. Impact of Donor-to-Recipient Weight Ratio on Survival After Heart Transplantation


https://www.quora.com/Why-do-women-make-up-a-majority-of-live-organ-donors-but-not-of-organ-recipients/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, October 2, 2016

Why are "housing first" homeless shelter programs so effective?


My one and only brush with accidental homelessness unforgettably sensitized me to this issue. Newcomer to the US, focus on my science made me choose a basement apartment off the NIH campus in Bethesda, Maryland. Landlord an elderly widower retired from the NIH, a safe dwelling I surmised, little knowing that just a few months later, he'd trigger a short circuit in his house and it would go up in flames. Happening the day after Thanksgiving, both at home, we were both lucky to get out alive. Once the hubbub of firetrucks, police cars and ambulance chasing clean-up specialists cleared, he drove us to a downtown Bethesda hotel, promising I'd be back in my apartment within two weeks. The weeks passed with no progress. Meantime, thanks to those clean-up specialists, I'd been left standing in the clothes I wore. Sheer accident that I rushed out wallet in hand. Everything else packed and sped off for 'smoke damage clean-up'. Sheer luck a colleague looking to sub-let got me into another place within a month. All this to say that even though my experience was positively luxurious compared to the truly homeless, I can well appreciate the hell that is to be homeless.

Where to sleep, to bathe, to go to toilet, get a meal. We take these essential basics of daily living for granted when we have a home to call our own. And that's not all. Situation's incalculably worse for those homeless even more unlucky to not be in the tropics. For such, staying warm through bitterly cold days and nights for weeks and months on end is yet another imperative on a long list of others we 'homed' take for granted and we still aren't done with the imperatives. A homeless woman has an additional imperative, how to stay safe and unmolested at all times of day and night. Sounds like a surefire recipe for insanity, no? Shocking then that it took an outsider to divine that rather than carrots and sticks, having a roof over one's head is the most essential first step for a homeless person to get on the track back to relative normalcy, maybe even permanently.

The radical visionary who divined this is Sam Tsemberis, founder of Pathways to Housing. The radical aspect of Tsemberis' solution stems from giving homes without preconditions to people with all kinds of serious and chronic problems ranging from addiction to other serious mental health problems. This is in direct contrast to how social policy traditionally addressed homelessness in the US, i.e., a reward system. It went somewhat like this. Let's say homeless person issues are x, y, z while the bureaucrat's carrots are 1, 2, 3. Social policy dictated to the homeless you solve issue x, say addiction, we'll give you reward 1, say counseling. A trained psychologist, his stint doing outreach with the mentally ill in New York City in the early 1990s revealed to Tsemberis his epiphany about the homeless. It also reveals the blinkers even the most well-intentioned can harbor. Paternalism is deeply ingrained in the conventional understanding of the homeless. The homeless are perceived to lack ability to function. However, submerging himself in the world of the homeless taught Tsemberis that on the contrary, the homeless are enormously resourceful.

I too got the same insight from watching someone at close quarters. During my time at the NIH, I met a brilliant researcher working in the building next to mine. Diagnosed with a mental disorder and forcibly institutionalized, having then managed to partially extricate herself, some years later she re-surfaced as a homeless person in the neighborhood. At unpredictable moments, she'd show up in the lab late at night as I harvested a thick stack of cell culture plates. She'd lean on a nearby counter and recount her experiences living on the street. Which intersections were best for panhandling. What time was best to panhandle at the intersection between Old Georgetown Road and Democracy Boulevard. How she negotiated with other panhandlers to gain a corner at this busy intersection. Which supermarket dumpsters were best for bread and other baked goods. Where years earlier, we'd discussed the latest paper on Toll-like receptor structure, now she'd regale with her varied and rich insights about life on the street. Not to mention I never found out how she even managed to get onto campus, let alone into the lab. I thought exactly the same as Tsemberis. What amazing resourcefulness!

Equipped with the insight that the homeless are nothing if not resourceful, Tsemberis created a team peopled by outsiders that included a recovering heroin addict, a former homeless, a psychologist and a poet survivor of incest (1). Team in hand and with a $500000 in federal funding,  Tsemberis started a pilot project with 139 chronically homeless his team immediately housed and offered counseling. The results? A retention rate of ~85%, far better than the 60% that was the then best metric. All this way back in 1997. When Tsemberis published his findings in 2000 in Psychiatric Services (2), a fairly respectable peer-reviewed journal, predictably, old hands in the homeless services community looked askance at this rude short shrift to conventional wisdom and by an outsider to boot (3, 4, 5, 6).

However, as the years passed, empirical data by others who implemented/pilot tested Housing First (7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17) bolstered support for it. Even the US federal government found it dramatically shrank addiction and health care costs (18). Success has been inconsistent when the local administration's commitment has been likewise, as in Washington D.C. Pilot projects in other countries such as Germany (19) showed promise. Homeless services researchers in the UK propose Housing First deserves serious consideration there as well (20, 21, 22) even as there's considerable resistance to the idea (23, 24, 25). Several studies in Canada find in favor of Housing First (26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33). It also finds favor in Australia (34).

Analysts attribute the success of Pathways to Housing and its ascent to orthodoxy as Housing First to the juxtaposition of key individuals with unique gifts and qualifications. Dennis Culhane, a researcher who works closely with policy makers and is 'unusually adept' at translating research findings to policy positions (35), the charismatic Sam Tsemberis, founder of Pathways to Housing, and policy maker Phil Mangano (36). Sold by Mangano to local mayors as a consumer choice model rather than a coercive measure (37), Housing First appealed to politicians keen to erase visible signs of capitalism's failure and what could be a more compelling sign than the chronically homeless visibly sleeping in city parks.

Pathways to Housing and Housing First aren't interchangeable. However, both assert right to housing as a fundamental right. This is the reverse of beliefs that have historically shaped US welfare, namely, people have to first prove themselves worthy of government benefits or have earned it. However, there are unique aspects to what Pathways to Housing did in New York City. That blueprint isn't fully fleshed out even by its architects and already the model is being exported all over the US and even elsewhere. Several dangers are inherent to such an approach. Other policy makers may not have the same goals and commitments. Elsewhere, Housing First could easily become a tool for enforced gentrification of minority-dominated inner city blocks. It could be used as a cosmetic cover to relocate the chronically homeless to city outskirts without investing the corollary efforts necessary to get them on the path to autonomy and self-sufficiency (38). In other words, out of sight, out of mind could be a critical weakness of Housing First that could be easily exploited by less scrupulous policy makers keen to wall-paper a serious social problem that's also very embarrassing to leaders and policy makers in what's undoubtedly the wealthiest country in the world.

Bibliography
1. Terrence McCoy, The Washington Post, May 6, 2015. Meet the outsider who accidentally solved chronic homelessness
2. Tsemberis, Sam, and Ronda F. Eisenberg. "Pathways to housing: Supported housing for street-dwelling homeless individuals with psychiatric disabilities." Psychiatric services (2000). http://ps.psychiatryonline.org/d...
3. Shinn, Marybeth, Jim Baumohl, and Kim Hopper. "The prevention of homelessness revisited." Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 1.1 (2001): 95-127. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
4. Bassuk, Ellen L., and Stephanie Geller. "The role of housing and services in ending family homelessness." Housing Policy Debate 17.4 (2006): 781-806. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
5. Culhane, Dennis P., and Stephen Metraux. "Rearranging the deck chairs or reallocating the lifeboats? Homelessness assistance and its alternatives." Journal of the American Planning Association 74.1 (2008): 111-121. http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/...
6. Kertesz, Stefan G., et al. "Housing first for homeless persons with active addiction: are we overreaching?." Milbank Quarterly 87.2 (2009): 495-534. http://www.coloradocoalition.org...
7. Siegel, Carole E., et al. "Tenant outcomes in supported housing and community residences in New York City." Psychiatric Services (2006). http://ps.psychiatryonline.org/d...
8. Walsh, Adam, Jennifer Vaughn, and D. F. Duncan. "The Cost Effectiveness of Supportive Housing Teams at Eighteen Months." (2009). http://www.unc.edu/~dfduncan/pap...
9. Meschede, Tatjana. "Accessing housing: Exploring the impact of medical and substance abuse services on housing attainment for chronically homeless street dwellers." Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment 20.2 (2010): 153-169
10. Rogers, E. Sally, et al. "Systematic Review of Supported Housing Literature 1993–2008." (2010). http://dcommon.bu.edu:8080/bitst...
11. Collins, Susan E., et al. "Exploring transitions within a project-based Housing First setting: Qualitative evaluation and practice implications." Journal of health care for the poor and underserved 23.4 (2012): 1678. https://depts.washington.edu/har...
12. Brown, Molly. "Effectiveness of Housing First for Non-chronically Homeless Individuals Who Are High Utilizers of Inpatient Psychiatric Treatment." (2012). http://via.library.depaul.edu/cg...
13. Collins, Susan E., Daniel K. Malone, and Seema L. Clifasefi. "Housing retention in single-site Housing First for chronically homeless individuals with severe alcohol problems." American journal of public health 103.S2 (2013): S269-S274. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
14. Montgomery, Ann Elizabeth, et al. "Housing chronically homeless veterans: Evaluating the efficacy of a Housing First approach to HUD‐VASH." Journal of Community Psychology 41.4 (2013): 505-514.
15. Clifasefi, Seema L., Daniel K. Malone, and Susan E. Collins. "Exposure to project-based Housing First is associated with reduced jail time and bookings." International Journal of Drug Policy 24.4 (2013): 291-296. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
16. Hwang, Stephen W., and Tom Burns. "Health interventions for people who are homeless." The Lancet 384.9953 (2014): 1541-1547. http://bibliobase.sermais.pt:800...
17. Davidson, Clare, et al. "Association of Housing First implementation and key outcomes among homeless persons with problematic substance use." Psychiatric Services (2014). https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
18. Burt, Martha R., and Brooke E. Spellman. "Changing homeless and mainstream service systems: Essential approaches to ending homelessness." Toward Understanding Homelessness: The 2007 National Symposium. Vol. 4. 2007. https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/defau...
19. Fichter, M. M., and N. Quadflieg. "Intervention effects of supplying homeless individuals with permanent housing: a 3‐year prospective study." Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica 113.s429 (2006): 36-40.
20. Atherton, Iain, and Carol McNaughton Nicholls. "'Housing First' as a means of addressing multiple needs and homelessness." (2008). http://dspace.stir.ac.uk/bitstre...
21. Price, Sian. "Housing related support interventions: a rapid review of the evidence." Pridobljeno dne 2 (2010): 2013.
22. McNaughton Nicholls, Carol, and Iain Atherton. "Housing First: Considering components for successful resettlement of homeless people with multiple needs." Housing Studies 26.5 (2011): 767-777.
23. Johnsen, Sarah, and Lígia Teixeira. "‘Doing it already?’: stakeholder perceptions of Housing First in the UK." International Journal of Housing Policy 12.2 (2012): 183-203.
24. Tsai, Jack, Alvin S. Mares, and Robert A. Rosenheck. "A multisite comparison of supported housing for chronically homeless adults:“housing first” versus “residential treatment first”." Psychological Services 7.4 (2010): 219. http://www.homelesshub.ca/sites/...
25. Tsai, Jack, and Robert A. Rosenheck. "Considering Alternatives to the Housing First Model." European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 6.2 (2012). http://feantsaresearch.all2all.o...
26. Falvo, Nick. Homelessness, program responses, and an assessment of toronto's streets to homes program. Canadian Policy Research Networks Incorporated and Social Housing Services Corporation, 2009. http://cprn3.library.carleton.ca...
27. Fitzpatrick-Lewis, Donna, et al. "Effectiveness of interventions to improve the health and housing status of homeless people: a rapid systematic review." BMC Public Health 11.1 (2011): 1. BMC Public Health
28. Stergiopoulos, Vicky, et al. "Moving from rhetoric to reality: adapting Housing First for homeless individuals with mental illness from ethno-racial groups." BMC health services research 12.1 (2012): 1. BMC Health Services Research
29. Patterson, Michelle, et al. "Housing First improves subjective quality of life among homeless adults with mental illness: 12-month findings from a randomized controlled trial in Vancouver, British Columbia." Social psychiatry and psychiatric epidemiology 48.8 (2013): 1245-1259. https://www.researchgate.net/pro...
30. Somers, Julian M., et al. "Housing first reduces re-offending among formerly homeless adults with mental disorders: results of a randomized controlled trial." PloS one 8.9 (2013): e72946. http://journals.plos.org/plosone...
31. Patterson, Michelle L., et al. "Trajectories of recovery among homeless adults with mental illness who participated in a randomised controlled trial of Housing First: a longitudinal, narrative analysis." BMJ open 3.9 (2013): e003442. http://www.habitation.gouv.qc.ca...
32. Tan de Bibiana, Jason. "Housing first and emergency department utilization among homeless individuals with mental illness in Vancouver." Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) 2008+ (2013). https://circle.ubc.ca/bitstream/...
33. Russolillo, Angela, et al. "Emergency department utilisation among formerly homeless adults with mental disorders after one year of Housing First interventions: a randomised controlled trial." International Journal of Housing Policy 14.1 (2014): 79-97. http://summit.sfu.ca/system/file...
34. Johnson, Guy, Sharon Parkinson, and Cameron Parsell. "Policy shift or program drift? Implementing Housing First in Australia." AHURI Final Report 184 (2012): 1-21. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/...
35. Stanhope, Victoria, and Kerry Dunn. "The curious case of Housing first: The limits of evidence based policy." International journal of law and psychiatry 34.4 (2011): 275-282. http://web.pdx.edu/~nwallace/AHP...
36. Shinn, Marybeth. "Waltzing with a monster: Bringing research to bear on public policy." Journal of Social Issues 63.1 (2007): 215-231.
37. Mangano, P. (2008). The impact of the federal initiative to end chronic homelessness in10 Years. Paper presented at the Center for Homelessness Prevention Studies Grand Rounds, Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health.
38. Hennigan, Brian Richard. "House Broken: The Functions and Contradictions of" Housing First"." (2013). http://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewc...


https://www.quora.com/Why-are-housing-first-homeless-shelter-programs-so-effective/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, September 25, 2016

What is your personal experience of the difference in the way basic science research is conducted in the USA and India?


As a biomedical researcher, I consider the research I did during my Ph.D. in India to be the most rigorous by far. It was the only project where statistics were appropriately and correctly applied right from the first step, the experiment design, continuing with blinding of the samples through to data analysis.

Goal of my Ph.D. project was to figure out if prior exposure to environmental mycobacteria (NTM, Nontuberculous mycobacteria) could explain why the largest TB vaccine trial had failed to protect against adult pulmonary TB. Conducted from 1967 to 1980 on ~360000 people across 209 villages and 1 town in South India, prior exposure to environmental mycobacteria emerged as a plausible reason. Only there was no data on NTM in this environment, if yes, what species and where, in the soil/water/dust. I was just one person. How could I cover such a vast population over such a vast area? That's where statistics entered the picture, exactly where it should, in the experimental design itself. A professional statistician crunched the numbers to determine how many villages I should cover, how many houses per village, which villages, i.e., make sure I comprehensively sampled the entire trial area in as unbiased a manner as possible. Starting with this design, he carefully shepherded every step of my Ph.D. project and even blinded the samples I brought back from the field, only decoding them after I'd generated all the data. Since I don't have any other experience on basic research in India, I don't know if my experience if generalizable so I'll leave it at that. 

Moving on from differences between India and US, I'll highlight two dubious practices that are rampant in basic biomedical research the world over, at least if we go by the published literature. Overarching problem consists of two features

1. Statistics are misused, usually applied only at the back end to analyze the data after it's been generated, instead of the optimal approach which is to apply them from the beginning in the experiment design itself.

2.Definition of scientific misconduct is too narrow, completely ignoring the most prevalent practice, which isn't outright fraud but rather data selection.

Compared to basic research, rigorous statistical science applied to human clinical trials is the norm. Only very slowly is this mindset permeating into basic research to replace this ridiculous state of affairs. Last year, we saw the publication of the first randomized clinical trial in mice (1). 

The US ORI (United States Office of Research Integrity) defines Scientific misconduct as consisting of data fabrication, data falsification or plagiarism. But far more than any of these, the most prevalent practice is something that's not even on the radar, data selection, i.e., cherry-picking data. Practice is rampant. Rarely do animal model studies show data combined from different experiments. Take a look at any recent paper, even ones published in Nature or Science. Invariably a figure legend would say something along the lines of, 'Data from one representative experiment out of 3, 4 or 5 different experiments is shown'. Why not show combined data from all experiments performed? How could such a shoddy practice be the norm? Simply means intra-group variation between experiments was greater than inter-group variation within one single experiment. Either experimenters are shoddy or techniques too unrefined. Either way, cannot trust such data. And this is still the norm in basic biomedical research.  

Bibliography:
1.  Llovera, Gemma, et al. "Results of a preclinical randomized controlled multicenter trial (pRCT): Anti-CD49d treatment for acute brain ischemia." Science Translational Medicine 7.299 (2015): 299ra121-299ra121. http://stm.sciencemag.org/conten...


https://www.quora.com/What-is-Tirumalai-Kamalas-personal-experience-of-the-difference-in-the-way-basic-science-research-is-conducted-in-the-USA-and-India/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, September 18, 2016

Do you have advice on how to convince anti-vaxxers to get their shots?


No dearth of advice on the internet how to convince anti-vaxxers to get their shots or rather more accurately, encourage them to get their children vaccinated. From professors to young mothers, an array of well-meaning people seek to show them the error of their ways. Does this approach work? More pertinently, could it? Is it possible to change minds without understanding why they think the way they do? I too used to think that summoning an abundance of rigorous, irrefutable facts would suffice. Is it though? Would it work on me? Honestly, I'm not sure.

Facts, figures, data appeal more to the intellect, less to emotions. A bullet-point list of truisms likely to provoke approving nods from vaccine aficionados would fall off anti-vaxxers' backs like the proverbial water. Just the way it goes with entrenched beliefs, appeals to reason alone don't suffice. The amalgam of conspiracy theories about government, big pharma, science, the medical profession that typically fuel anti-vaxxers is based on a mix of unrealistic expectations, mistrust and fear, fear for the well-being of their children. Wouldn't appeal to reason boomerang, likely perceived as patronizing? As well, the internet so easily fosters a bubble mentality. Stay ensconced in echo chambers that parrot one's own viewpoint and one need never subject oneself to the discomfort of questioning one's belief. The problem won't go away through mocking/hectoring/lecturing, and is likely of our own making.

An argument more likely to pierce such a bubble would be personal accounts of former anti-vaxxers who changed their minds, and got themselves and their children vaccinated. Such people once inhabited similar mind-sets. Their accounts would resonate more because they'd appeal to emotion instead of to reason alone. They'd address the underlying fear that drives much of this thinking. Former anti-vaxxers had the same fear and yet they found a way to surmount them. Recently, some former anti-vaxxers have come forward with just such stories of changes in stance (1, 2). Sharing these essays with current anti-vaxxers would do both them and the rest of us more of a service compared to an exchange across entrenched beliefs that's only likely to become increasingly rancorous.

How is the problem one of our own making? Exploring this issue opens a bigger can of worms about current human culture and collective memory and in its wake leaves more uncomfortable questions. Each of us comes from somewhere, a specific family, culture, history. Each of us living today has to only go back one, two or three generations at most to find accounts of relatives who died or were maimed from polio, small pox, pertussis, rubella, rabies, tetanus, vaccine-preventable diseases all. What happened to their stories? Why aren't the accounts of their lives and tragic, vaccine-preventable disabilities or deaths part of their families' lore? Surely it can't be that anti-vaxxers have absolutely no one in their 20th century family tree who died from a vaccine-preventable disease? That would just defy statistics. This is the deeply unsettling bit.

School and formal education attend to one aspect of  identity formation and beliefs. The other part comes from family and community. The recent anti-vaxxer movement in places like the US and Australia suggests that something fundamental may be changing in the way generational information and knowledge is transmitted within families and communities. Or maybe I'm the fool for walking down this path. Maybe selective amnesia always attended collective human memory. In which case, we are and will always be fools condemned to repeat the past, to paraphrase George Santayana. Yet somehow I suspect I'm not wrong in thinking increasingly isolated online living and entrenched mistrust against one big group or the other goes hand in hand. If I'm right, our current mode of increasingly disembodied online living is only more likely to bring out the potential for irrationality in each and every one of us. Maybe anti-vaxxers and other fringe groups are merely harbingers of worse to come.

Foot-notes
  1. Kashana Cauley, The Atlantic, Mar 6, 2015. I Used to Be an Anti-Vaxer
  2. Sage Stargrove, The Guardian, Feb 28, 2015. I'm finally getting vaccinated. But not because of your shaming


https://www.quora.com/Do-you-have-advice-on-how-to-convince-anti-vaxxers-to-get-their-shots/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, September 11, 2016

If Tirumalai Kamala could have one source of funding, would it be from a major government (US, Canada, Europe, etc.) or from private enterprise?


I'd choose private enterprise any day. For several reasons. By now, it's rather clear government funding of research is stuck in a rut. Highly risk-averse. Grant reviewers part of a well-ensconced old boys club with no signs of impending unseating. Younger generation being trained in the same mould. Result? Same old, same old. I'll illustrate with one telling example. HIV. Appeared on the radar in the early 1980s. 1984 is when Anthony S. Fauci became Director of NIAID (National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases), the US government's premier research agency tasked with infectious disease research. 32 years and counting at the helm, no sign of an approved prophylactic or even a therapeutic HIV vaccine. This wasn’t because enough resources weren’t committed to the task. During the height of NIH's gravy train from 1998 to 2003 when its budget doubled, a sizeable chunk unsurprisingly made its way into NIAID which set about creating its own vaccine research wing, the Vaccine Research Center. Established with much fanfare in 1999, still no approved HIV vaccine on the horizon.  

Meantime, in 2014 a privately funded French group published a highly novel mode of vaccine protection against SIV, the monkey version of HIV (1). Using a highly unorthodox vaccination, either in the stomach or the vagina, all three vaccines they tried protected against SIV. The protection mechanism was completely unexpected and novel. Not antibodies. Not cytotoxic killer cells. Rather a new type of regulatory CD8 T cell that suppressed the activation of SIV-specific CD4 T cells. Why is that so important? SIV/HIV activate CD4 T cells, apparently for their own purpose. Activated CD4 T cells are the Trojan horses SIV/HIV use to establish stable infection in the body. Trojan horse because activated CD4 T cells also proliferate actively. Situation tailor-made for creating more cells for SIV/HIV to infect. By halting such CD4 T cell activation, these unconventional CD8 T cells are stopping SIV in its tracks. Maybe same could happen with HIV as well.
The same group published preliminary data from this series of studies in 2012 (2), data that sank like a stone in the tight-knit HIV research community. As Jose Esparza and Marc HV Van Regenmortel editorialize (3),
“The 2012 publication from this group had very little impact in the field, perhaps because it was received with a degree of skepticism. After all, 30 years of intense vaccine research had not resulted in a practical effective vaccine, although an HIV vaccine is sorely needed to bring the HIV epidemic under control. No stone should remain unturned in its search, and the approach reported in this journal should not be dismissed a priori. Instead, it should be carefully considered by other scientists and appropriately confirmed or refuted by additional research”. “Out-of-the- paradigm approaches, such as the one proposed by Andrieu et al., should be further explored”.
And Marc HV Van Regenmortel further elaborated about their earlier 2012 study (4)
“This remarkable and totally unexpected breakthrough was obtained by an investigator-driven research that was not funded by the usual governmental and large scale organizations that support most of the ongoing HIV vaccine research world-wide. It was sponsored by a private benefactor who funded the project to the tune of 13 million Euros. This illustrates once again that success in basic vaccine research is unpredictable and that “risky” projects based on unorthodox thinking may deserve as much funding as the “safe” projects that are often preferred because they abide by current fashionable paradigms”.
Bibliography
1. Andrieu, Jean-Marie, et al. "Mucosal SIV vaccines comprising inactivated virus particles and bacterial adjuvants induce CD8+ T-regulatory cells that suppress SIV-positive CD4+ T-cell activation and prevent SIV infection in the macaque model." Frontiers in immunology 5 (2014). http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/... 
2. Lu, Wei, et al. "Induction of CD8+ regulatory T cells protects macaques against SIV challenge." Cell reports 2.6 (2012): 1736-1746. http://www.sciencedirect.com/sci...
3. Esparza, José, and Marc HV Van Regenmortel. "More surprises in the development of an HIV vaccine." Frontiers in immunology 5 (2014): 329. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/... 
4. Regenmortel, M. H. V. V. "An oral tolerogenic vaccine protects macaques from SIV infection without eliciting SIV-specific antibodies nor CTLs." J AIDS Clin Res 4 (2013): e112. http://www.omicsonline.org/2155-...



https://www.quora.com/If-Tirumalai-Kamala-could-have-one-source-of-funding-would-it-be-from-a-major-government-US-Canada-Europe-etc-or-from-private-enterprise/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, September 4, 2016

How can we redesign the PhD experience in order to minimize suffering of graduate students?


It's a truism that we get the outcomes that are rewarded.

PhD supervisors are typically rewarded for their publications and for the grants they receive. Rewards entail tangible benefits to their career such as promotions, nominations to influential committees, editorial positions on journals, decision-making powers in their workplaces such as university departments, and the like.

While most academic workplaces vociferously tout the importance of mentoring, including training and teaching, it's also patently obvious they offer practically no tangible rewards for good mentoring. Are there even objectively defined assessments of good academic mentoring? What does it mean to be a good mentor? What distinguishes good training and teaching from bad? Is objectively defined mentoring even considered by promotion committees? Has anyone ever heard of a professor getting promoted because they were a good mentor who trained and taught their PhD students well? Clearly academic mentoring is not just a case of There's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip, but also of lip-service.

For far too long and far too often, PhD students, and in many scientific fields, post-docs as well, are mere fodder that helps a PhD supervisor advance their own career. Tasked with shepherding PhD students but not offered any tangible rewards for doing so, any wonder in the typical PhD supervisor's world, PhD students and post-docs all too often end up as extra pairs of hands, cheap labor to instead help bring about the outcomes that do reward their PhD supervisors, namely, publications and successful grant applications?

The average PhD experience would likely greatly improve if instead tangible training-based outcomes were part and parcel of assessing a PhD supervisor and had a bearing on their future career. Where are the metrics such as how many of their PhD students later found a job or even how many stayed in the same field? Who tracks such metrics? Likely no one. After all, such a system doesn't exist even for the US National Institutes of Health postdoctoral training program, probably the largest such training program in one place anywhere in the US, maybe even the world.

Put another way, currently, academia tangibly rewards academics for their individual selfishness, not responsible stewardship of their chosen study fields. Such a system is obviously unsustainable in the long run. Problem is it takes years for the insurmountable nature of such unsustainability to become undeniably evident, a situation analogous to Climate change for example.

So we come back to where we started, namely, that we get the outcomes that are rewarded, not the ones we ostensibly seek. Unless good mentoring, i.e., good training and teaching is a) defined more objectively, and b) PhD supervisors get tangibly rewarded or punished using such objectively defined criteria, PhD programs will continue in the same vein, i.e., causing far too many PhD students unnecessary stress and suffering.


https://www.quora.com/How-can-we-redesign-the-PhD-experience-in-order-to-minimize-suffering-of-graduate-students/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala


Sunday, August 28, 2016

Should academics offer a money-back guarantee for research results to improve data reproducibility?


Question continued: As suggested in http://stm.sciencemag.org/content/8/336/336ed5.full.pdf+html

Michael Rosenblatt's prescription* that scientists should return money back to private investors if their data's not reproducible reads like a bad solution in search of a problem. Bad solutions emerge when we mis-diagnose problems and examine issues through a distorting lens. Amplifying their role in a systemic problem not entirely of their making, Rosenblatt's prescription assumes academics knowingly generate irreproducible data, and don't change their ways because no one is bringing them to account, ergo private investors need to ride in to the rescue and bring these wayward academics to heel. That's an astoundingly undeserved and incendiary supposition with no evidence whatsoever to back it up. If rank and file academics were really knowingly operating this way, they'd be using an approach lacking any semblance to the Scientific method. Were that the case, reform's futile anyway since they're all bad eggs who need to be summarily dismissed to set the system up from scratch with newcomers. Another weakness of this diagnosis is it assumes academics operate in a vacuum, endowed with absolute potentate-like powers to decide what and how they study. In other words, it compartmentalizes a systemic problem. After all, academia-industry collaboration is a small piece of current biomedical research enterprise, a piece that's likely impossible to influence piecemeal anyway, given how intertwined these various pieces are.

Data Irreproducibility Stems From Undeniably Perverse Incentives In The Academic Enterprise
Perverse incentives start right from a would-be academic's apprenticeship. Perhaps one of the most consequential is the pressure to publish, Publish or perish, because it sets up a positive feedback loop that reinforces what and how an academic studies through the course of their career. Examining what gets published helps understand some of what sustains academia's perverse incentives. After all, to be and stay an academic, one has to publish. Publications determine whether one a) even becomes an academic in the first place, b) gets tenure, c) succeeds in getting grants to fund one's academic work.
However, what gets published is also a consequence of what gets studied. Academic writes a grant proposal about what they'd like to study, a grant committee reviews it and decides to either fund it or not. In the academic culture that developed since WW II, what emerged as a grant winner in terms of what gets studied? Novelty, the thread that runs through the current academic pipeline. From the grant proposal to the peer-reviewed paper, at every node, when a stakeholder with the power decides to okay or not a project, novelty is one of the most important considerations.

Stakeholders are what I call the triumvirate of academic life, employers, grant givers, academic journals. Employers are typically academic institutions and universities, and departments therein. Grant givers are typically government agencies, foundations, trusts and, in the the case of the biomedical research enterprise, the for-profit partners, biopharma. Academic journals, many of them products of large, for-profit publishing houses, are the conduits. Their editorial boards parcel out the manuscripts to academics who peer-review them for free. These three determine the A-to-Z of an academic's career trajectory, and each, in the decades post-WW II, prioritized novelty.

In this ecosystem, reproducibility exists within the extremely narrow and tenuous purview of internal replication, i.e., that the academic themselves repeat their study observations a certain number of times. As this system rooted and fine-tuned itself, its strict mandate truncated scope. Meantime, academic competition intensified as universities continued to churn out more and more PhDs while faculty positions remained stagnant, a supply-demand problem only exacerbated in the US by the abolition of mandatory retirement in 1994. As a result, the pressure to publish within shorter and shorter time frames intensified. No surprise, output evolved towards an oxymoron, risk-averse as well as incrementally novel, the only kind sustainable within such a system. As well, intensified academic competition encourages opacity, discourages sharing.

Nowhere does this system reward or even encourage practitioners to expend effort, resources and time to replicate each other's output. Imagine an National Institutes of Health R01 grant review committee that receives an academic's grant proposal to attempt to reproduce a body of work in a sub-field. What are the chances it would get funded? Sorry, I rolled off my chair and was keeled over, doubled up in laughter. Let me catch my breath first. So steeped is the culture in novelty pursuit and has been for decades that reproducibility is a non-starter in what gets funded. That's a structural problem right there.

Thus, academics are merely responding to perverse incentives in the system they find themselves in, a system they didn't set up though they certainly sustain the status quo by unquestioningly operating to its dictates.

Academia's Systemic Data Irreproducibility Problems Can Only Be Solved Through Systemic Changes
If they’re serious about data reproducibility, each of the three key basic biomedical research stakeholders, employers, grant givers and academic journals, need to reward reproducibility efforts. However, this alone is insufficient. An essential lure of research for many academics, especially in science, is to be the first to uncover novelty. Reproducibility cannot be demanded like water from a tap from rank and file. Instead, rather than relentless focus on novelty, at least stakeholders could initiate change by expanding their purview to reproducible novelty, which would likely engender more serious academic engagement.
  • Employers could reward academics who choose to perform reproducibility studies, reward being anything from tenure to extra space and funding for labs, staff and/or research animals and their care facilities.
  • Grant givers could offer more than mere lip service in support of reproducibility by funding it.
    • In the biomedical research enterprise, likely no one at present comes close to the clout of the US National Institutes of Health. After all, so much of the US output in basic biomedical research is NIH funded.
    • Many are likely unaware that NIH also funds its own biomedical research, to the tune of a good 10% or so of its funds. When one considers its overall budget of ~US $30 billion, that's a really serious amount of money, sustaining the careers and labs of some ~1400 Principal Investigators and their staff.
    • What was the original mandate of this in-house research? Post-WW II, Vannevar Bush published his hugely influential vision for today's scientific enterprise, Science, The Endless Frontier. This guide informed the process by which NIH became the behemoth it currently is. The concern then was that high-risk, long-term, off-the-wall ideas wouldn't get explored by inherently competitive, high stakes academia, that the government needed to directly fund and nurture such science. That was the original mandate for the NIH Intramural Research Program.
    • ~Fifty plus years since it blossomed to full bloom, does its output match its mandate? Not at all. Rather, its output largely adheres to the same narrow risk-averse, incremental novelty that dominates the rest of academia. Clearly a case of costly redundancy.
    • Why not divert some of this expenditure and staff to reproducibility instead, when that's clearly the crying need of the hour? And it could even be reproducibility focused on the piece Rosenblatt argues is the most crucial in biomedical science, Translational research.
    • Who in the world could be better equipped to study translational research reproducibility than the NIH Intramural Research Program, with its enormous capacity for not just preclinical but also clinical research? After all, it has a truly giddying array of animal facilities that maintain everything from mice and rats to pigs, sheep and non-human primates, not to mention it has the depth and breadth of knowledgeable staff necessary to research them, while Wikipedia claims the National Institutes of Health Clinical Center has '240 inpatient beds, 11 operating rooms, 82 day hospital stations, critical care services and research labs, an ambulatory care research facility and a complex array of imaging services' right in the heart of its enormous campus.
    • Other countries should consider similar use of state research institutes in data reproducibility efforts, specifically translational research reproducibility.
  • Academic journals. How often do the world's premier multidisciplinary scientific journals, Nature (journal) or Science (journal) publish prominent data reproducibility studies? Rarely. How about discipline-specific staples like Journal of Biological Chemistry or Journal of Immunology, to mention just a couple. Rarely again. And what else could it be when reproducibility is simply not yet a priority for journals? It isn't now and wasn't earlier. After all, what's changed since the File Drawer problem (Publication bias) was first highlighted all the way back in 1979? Negative data continue to remain unpublished. Meantime, how realistic is the expectation, when the status quo dictates that their careers depend on publish or perish, that academics will leap off the springboard into the as-yet unrewarded realm of reproducibility studies, if journals don't even bother publishing them in the first place?

Further Reading:
7. Topol, Eric J. "Money back guarantees for non-reproducible results?." BMJ 353 (2016): i2770.
8. Smaldino, Paul E., and Richard McElreath. "The Natural Selection of Bad Science." arXiv preprint arXiv:1605.09511 (2016). http://arxiv.org/pdf/1605.09511.pdf


https://www.quora.com/Should-academics-offer-a-money-back-guarantee-for-research-results-to-improve-data-reproducibility/answer/Tirumalai-Kamala